By Augustine Aboh
Doctoral student at the University of Massachusetts Boston, U.S.A.
A wave of democratisation swept across Africa in the 1990s, offering what can be described as the golden age of constitutional rule, rule of law, and peaceful transition of power. The new phase was embraced with many expectations for the socio-economic and political transformation of the continent. That phase raised aspirations and signaled an autonomous pathway toward post-colonial development strategies. A wave that did not only bring about a government founded on democratic legitimacy but prioritised the fundamental liberties of all Africans; in fact, democracy was seen as a public virtue.
Consequently, the emergence of multiparty elections produced a new class of democratic elites who ab initio signaled a commitment to pave the way for establishing rule-of-law-based governance systems reflected by constitutionalism and constitutional government, which include tenets as term limits. Not long after, the new elites sought to strengthen and consolidate their powers rather than forge a cause to deepen and institutionalise democracy. As such, most of the continent's democratic governance failed and still fails to deal effectively with government impunity occasioned by flagrant abuse of executive power and violation of human rights.
The Rise of illiberal democratic norms and complacency of critical actors
While African leaders, at least in principle, committed to the African Union - AU Maputo Accord, that is, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance, to uphold the rule of law, universal values, and liberal democratic principles, in practice, the continent has witnessed, in recent decades, an increasing surge in illiberal democratic norms, unconstitutional change of government and electoral autocracy. Under these growing democratic threats, the African Union, regional organisations, and other international partners have only, at best, issued statements of dissatisfaction. If indeed these developments are unacceptable and go contrary to Article 2(4), of the Maputo Charter, which purports to "prohibit, reject and condemn unconstitutional change of government in any Member State as a serious threat to stability, peace, security, and development," why has little been done to enforce basic democratic standard in States that have continued to violate the protocol? The AU, regional organisations, and international partners tend to organise press conferences and or issue statements expressing their dissatisfaction with polls that fall short of or expressly violate minimum democratic standards. However, they often fail to be more robust in their response. For instance, they do not routinely issue or enforce sanctions or threats to use force in more serious situations like military coups. It is contended that as a continent, to forge a course for sustainable democratic features and to enjoy its attendant benefits, the current approach of condoning undemocratic practices must be rejected. For instance, military coups, which are considered illiberal, undemocratic and constitute an unconstitutional change of government. Coups undermine fundamental democratic principles and constitute an existential threat to national and international peace and security.
The Peoples’ dilemma of tolerating coup as a lesser evil
In fact, in Togo, Uganda, Chad, Cameroon, Rwanda, Burundi, and Egypt, to mention a few, African continental organisations and international partners have done little to stop what can best be described as a constitutional coup. Furthermore, the scourge of electoral autocracies has remained deeply rooted within Africa's democratic fabrics. For instance, recent elections so far conducted in 2023 across Africa, from Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone, and in Gabon in particular, where flawed elections resulted in citizens' celebration and support for the coup. That reaction was prompted by widespread resentment and frustration experienced in the 55-year Bongo family dynasty. These, among others, are classical reflections of flawed elections engendered by electoral autocracy, which has contributed significantly to the expanding trend of democratic backsliding . That has in turn ensured that Africans are subjected to unimaginable suffering, including, poverty, human rights abuses, indignity, and insecurity.
Indeed, whilst the populations endure these challenges, self-seeking authoritarians who hide under the ciphers of democracy are continuously entrenching themselves with impunity and, at best, receive only political statements of condemnation by the AU and regional organizations. To say the least, the AU and other regional organizations have often legitimized illiberal democratic governance even in countries that do not enjoy democratic legitimacy from most of the citizens. This trend profoundly informs the growing popular resistance and civilian support, especially among the young population, for the resurgence of coups that do not solve their problems.
The Way Forward
Despite the appearance of support for military coups by civilians in certain countries, it is important to note that overall, the support that Africans continue to demonstrate for democracy, as demonstrated in recent polls indicates their remarkable resilience. Hence, it is crucial for all stakeholders in the African democratic sustainability project, especially the AU, sub-regional organisations, and international partners, to take decisive actions against the continuous "institutionalisation” of illiberal democracy, unconstitutional change of government, and electoral autocracies in the same way that they respond to military coups. Indeed, these "new governance norms" in Africa, no doubt, are the foundation of the sporadic rise and gradual legitimisation of coups by most hapless Africans. Therefore, like coups, which are unconstitutional, unacceptable, and condemnable, illiberal democracy is not only a grave threat to sustainable democratic futures but fosters continental insecurity and economic underdevelopment in Africa.
¨ Augustine Aboh is a Global Governance and Human Security doctoral student at the University of Massachusetts Boston, U.S.A. His research interests include the intersection of democracy and technology, security governance, terrorism, and organized crime—correspondence:
Cite as: A.Aboh (2023) To Curb the Surge of Coups, African States Must Confront the Institutionalised Threat of Illiberal Democracy: Available at: https://ancl-radc.org.za/blog/to-curb-the-surge-of-coups-african-states-must-confront-the-institutionalised-threat-of-illiberal-democracy (Accessed: [date] [month] [year])